Spanberger that she will seek intervenor status in the case, giving her administration the ability to question both companies, review documents and argue for conditions related to customer electric bills, Virginia jobs and the state鈥檚 energy future.

鈥淭he action of actually formally intervening, it is an unprecedented one as a governor, I do acknowledge that,鈥� Spanberger told reporters during a Zoom call Thursday afternoon. 鈥淏ut frankly, the size and scope of this merger application is also unprecedented.鈥�

Spanberger said she decided to intervene after reviewing the companies鈥� application and hearing from Virginians concerned about what the transaction could mean for the commonwealth. If approved, the deal would place 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 largest regulated electric utility under the ownership of an out-of-state company.

The move does not give the governor the authority to approve, reject or rewrite the merger. Those decisions remain with the SCC, the independent regulatory body responsible for determining whether the transaction serves public interest.

鈥淭he decision to approve or deny, or potentially put a whole new set of parameters in place or offer a whole new set of parameters of a potential deal to Dominion and NextEra, that authority still lies with the SCC,鈥� Spanberger said.

But intervening will allow her administration to submit questions and raise concerns that Dominion and NextEra must answer as the commission reviews the proposal, she said, a process that鈥檚 now underway with regulators expected to approve or reject the deal in about six months.

Other individuals and organizations may also seek intervenor status.

What Spanberger wants from the deal聽

Spanberger first disclosed her plans Thursday morning published in The Washington Post, writing that she is 鈥渄eeply skeptical鈥� that selling 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 primary regulated electric utility to an out-of-state company would benefit the commonwealth.

鈥淚 have serious questions about what this deal would mean for us,鈥� Spanberger wrote. 鈥淎nd as governor, I intend to get answers and be a voice for Virginians in the process.鈥�

On the afternoon Zoom call, she said she鈥檒l judge the process by three key questions: Whether it lowers customers鈥� electric bills, protects Virginia jobs and keeps the state moving toward reliable, locally produced clean energy.

Any approval, she said, should include a 鈥渟ubstantial financial benefit鈥� for customers. Rising electricity costs remain one of the most common concerns she hears from Virginians, she said.

She also said that protecting Dominion鈥檚 Virginia-based workforce 鈥� from lineworkers across the state to employees at the company鈥檚 headquarters in Richmond 鈥� will be central to her review.

Spanberger is also seeking assurances that a combined company would continue investing in projects already underway, including Dominion鈥檚 off the coast of Virginia Beach.

鈥淰irginia is home to the largest offshore wind development that we are seeing on the East Coast,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 a point of pride for many Virginians, and any company that might be inclined towards buying Dominion Energy would have to ensure that they also prioritize extraordinary investments, but extraordinary projects like that one.鈥�

Dominion and NextEra with the SCC on July 15, formally launching the commission鈥檚 review.

Under the all-stock agreement, NextEra shareholders would own 74.5% of the combined company, while Dominion shareholders would own the remaining 25.5%.

The merger would create the nation鈥檚 largest electric utility, serving roughly 10 million customers in Virginia, Florida, North Carolina and South Carolina. Together, the companies would control about 110 gigawatts of generating capacity and a large-load interconnection queue totalling another 130 gigawatts.

The companies have proposed $2.25 billion in shareholder-funded bill credits for customers across Dominion鈥檚 three-state service territory. Those credits are intended to offset merger-related costs for two years, although whether customers would see additional long-term savings remains unclear.

The transaction also requires approval from regulators in North Carolina and South Carolina, along with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.

Last month, Republican Sen. David Suetterlein of Salem and Del. Joe McNamara of Roanoke County called for to consider extending 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 review period. They argued the state could lose negotiating leverage if its regulators act before officials in other states complete their reviews.

Both lawmakers renewed their call following Spanberger鈥檚 announcement Thursday, arguing that her intervention alone would not give regulators enough time to scrutinize the deal.

鈥淎dding another party to a rushed decision doesn鈥檛 help 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 working families,鈥� they said in a joint statement, calling the governor鈥檚 plan 鈥渋mprovised and constitutionally uncertain鈥� while noting that the SCC would still have fewer than 180 days to review what they described as the largest proposed utility merger in U.S. history.

Suetterlein and McNamara said Spanberger鈥檚 鈥渂est and plainest lawful option鈥� is to call lawmakers back to Richmond to extend the review period, an approach they said has support from Republican and Democratic legislators, a former Republican governor and .

Linking the merger to affordability

Spanberger said Thursday her merger review fits into her effort to hold down energy costs, pointing to more than a dozen energy-related laws she signed this year.

Among them is a new intended to ensure data centers shoulder more of the costs associated with their enormous demand for electricity.

Her announcement came a day after the SCC to develop a new rate structure that would shift more of the cost for future transmission infrastructure onto data centers and large-load customers requiring those upgrades.

Spanberger鈥檚 administration had urged the commission to avoid placing those costs on residential ratepayers.

Dominion has more than 200 transmission projects planned or under construction as it expands 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 electric grid to meet demand from the state鈥檚 more than 600 data centers.

Spanberger said she expects to formally intervene in the coming days before submitting questions and other filings for the SCC to consider.

鈥淔or me, the priority is to be able to build upon the work that I have been doing as it relates to energy affordability,鈥� she said.

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The State Corporation Commission Dominion Energy to develop a policy to directly assign the cost of transmission and other large-load users that聽 connect to the facilities, 鈥渨ith the goal of finding an acceptable and symmetrical approach towards assigning costs in these circumstances.鈥�

In the latest that covers the cost to build the transmission lines and substations, the company argued that data centers and other companies in their class should have to shoulder more of the cost of the power infrastructure that is necessary only to power their facilities.

In a rare move, Gov. Abigail Spanberger鈥檚 administration weighed in on the case, with officials stating that data centers should be paying their 鈥渇air share,鈥� and that residential customers shouldn鈥檛 have to pay for power infrastructure solely used by data centers.

鈥淎ny network or substation upgrades that would not have been triggered but for a large load customer should be assigned directly to that customer, shielding regular Virginia families from subsidizing commercial extension,鈥� Deputy Chief Energy Officer Louise White testified during a hearing in July.

In the final order, the commission recognized that even聽 the possible new tariff聽 鈥渕ay not address all instances in which a utility may incur transmission related costs to address transmission system reliability criteria violations that appear to be directly caused by the addition of one or more large-load customers.鈥�

Dominion has reported 203 transmission projects in its grid connection pipeline, according to the company鈥檚 2024 integrated resource plan.

Environmental groups cheered state regulators鈥� move this week.

鈥淭he decision establishes an important precedent: Virginia families and small businesses should not subsidize transmission infrastructure built solely to connect new large-load data centers,鈥� said Chris Miller, president of the Piedmont Environmental Council, one of the intervening parties in the case.

The forthcoming Valley Link transmission line is an example of a project which, in the future, could be 鈥渄irectly assigned to the GS-5 rate class鈥� or other alternatives, commissioners also said.

The regional grid operator allowed Dominion and other utilities to develop plans for the 115-mile, 765 kilovolt transmission line that is anticipated to stretch from Lynchburg to Culpeper to push more power to Northern Virginia, where most of the state鈥檚 data centers are concentrated.

鈥淭his order 鈥� which is projected to save Virginians hundreds of millions of dollars 鈥� makes sure that data centers are paying the full cost of the transmission infrastructure their developments require,鈥� Spanberger said in a statement.

The governor pledged to work with state lawmakers in future legislative sessions to ensure data centers 鈥減ay their fair share, adhere to strict environmental standards, and listen to the concerns of local communities.鈥�

Dominion asked the commission to recover $1.5 billion, which would translate to about a $.94 monthly increase for the average customer. The company originally asked for a $2.90 monthly increase but recalculated its formula to levy more costs onto data centers and factored in the new high-load user GS5 rate class that established a 85% transmission demand rate.

It is not clear when the SCC will rule on the new transmission tariff for data centers and what the exact savings for residential customers will be.

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The sales tax holiday starts Aug. 7 at 12:01 a.m. and ends Aug. 9 at 11:59 p.m., and could save consumers 5.3% to 7% on total costs. The Virginia Department of Taxation provides聽聽that qualify as sales tax-free during the holiday.

What items are eligible?

• Qualified school supplies 鈥� $20 or less per item
• Qualified clothing and footwear 鈥� $100 or less per item

Hurricane and emergency preparedness products

• Portable generators 鈥� $1,000 or less per item
• Gas-powered chain saws 鈥� $350 or less per item
• Chain saw accessories 鈥� $60 or less per item
• Other specified hurricane preparedness items 鈥� $60 or less per item

Energy Star and WaterSense products

Qualifying Energy Star or WaterSense products purchased for noncommercial home or personal use 鈥� $2,500 or less per item

Consumers nationwide spend an average of $293 on electronics, $250 on clothing and accessories, $174 on shoes and $146 on school supplies to prepare for their children to head back to class, according to a聽聽by the National Retail Federation.

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Robert Rigby Jr., a longtime educator and advocate for LGBTQ+ students, said after the leader of conservative political action committee Virginia Project posted unfounded accusations that he was a child sex predator online, his students鈥� interest in the Latin course he teaches wavered.

鈥淲hen rumors started spreading that kids didn鈥檛 even take my class because these things were being said 鈥� that鈥檚 always every teacher鈥檚 fear,鈥� . 鈥淚t鈥檚 always every gay teacher鈥檚 fear.鈥�

The students鈥� reaction emphasized that the remarks weren鈥檛 simply harsh opinions, Rigby said, but false statements that carry consequential weight.

Across the country, social media campaigns targeting educators have been on the rise, including in and , amid contentious school board politics that test the legal boundaries of free speech and defamation.

Rigby and the other plaintiff, Vanessa Hall, who are both active in Fairfax County Public Schools committees and advocacy, alleged that defendant David Gordon, founder of the Virginia Project, used his X account to publish false and malicious statements that damaged their personal and professional reputations.

The case

痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 law was central to the case, highlighting the legal limits of false speech, the civil liability it can create, and the policy gaps it exposes for people 鈥� including teachers 鈥� when the legal requirements are met.

Jason Zellman, the attorney who represented Hall and Rigby, said that Virginia has laws that protect opinions and silence criticism with the anti-SLAPP defense. Still, he says, accusatory public statements must have a factual basis.

鈥淎nd in this case鈥� we had very declarative, actual statements that these individuals were child sex predators. They were part of a 鈥榞rooming gang.鈥� They were part of a 鈥榗hild abduction scheme,鈥欌�� Zellman said, quoting Gordon鈥檚 claims. 鈥淭here was no qualifying language, and more importantly, there was no evidence at all, zero, to back up any of these statements.鈥�

In their complaints, Rigby also alleged Gordon labeled him and Hall as 鈥渘otorious child sex perverts鈥� with 鈥渇ree run of FCPS.鈥�

Hall said Gordon mischaracterized her as an 鈥渆mployed crazy person with zero qualifications鈥� who was given inappropriate access to children. The claims that she was involved in sexual crimes against children disturbed her the most, she said.

鈥淎s a parent, as a Girl Scout leader, as a Sunday school teacher, as an advocate for children鈥檚 safety, that is frankly the worst thing you could say about anyone,鈥� Hall said.

A year after the complaints were filed, juries in both cases ruled in favor of Hall and Rigby, awarding $700,000 and $350,000, respectively.

Zellman said he is preparing for an expected appeal by Gordon.

Policy reform

Rigby and Hall鈥檚 case drew attention to the state鈥檚 policy gaps concerning defamation, especially around punitive damages and fee recovery.

Zellman and Hall argued that 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 legal framework still tilts unfairly against defamed teachers because the state鈥檚 anti-SLAPP law can require plaintiffs to pay the other side鈥檚 legal bills if they lose.

The state鈥檚 punitive damages cap was set at $350,000 in the late 1980s in such cases, and standards on jury award limits, even for egregious cases, haven鈥檛 been updated since then.

鈥淚t just doesn鈥檛 seem appropriate,鈥� Hall said.

Zellman added that if the court had instead found the statements made by Gordon and the Virginia Project were an expression of opinion, didn鈥檛 rise to the level of defamation, or were speech protected by the First Amendment, they could become liable for the defendant鈥檚 costs and attorneys鈥� fees.

鈥淲hat I think is a shortcoming in the law is that 鈥� there鈥檚 not a similar reciprocal provision that if Robert and Vanessa prevail, as they did in this case, that they get their attorneys鈥� fees and costs reimbursed,鈥� Zellman said. 鈥淎nd I do think it would provide both an incentive and caution for any party 鈥� that you have to be pretty sure about your position.”

Tips for educators

Attorney Jason Zellman offered several practical points for teachers and parents who become targets of defamatory online attacks.

First, he said, preserve evidence immediately.

鈥淲hen these statements are made about you, and especially in the world of social media that we live in now, capturing those statements before they鈥檙e gone is number one to preserve evidence,鈥� Zellman said. 鈥淧eople can delete their tweets, remove Instagram posts, whatever it may be, and so having that evidence is important.鈥�

He also recommended teachers understand their legal rights and what constitutes free speech. Educators should seek legal advice.

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The 66,085 Virginians whose rights have been restored may now vote, serve on juries, run for public office and become notaries public. The announcement comes about seven weeks before early voting begins for the 2026 midterm elections, which include a constitutional referendum that could largely remove Virginia governors from the restoration process.

鈥淭he right to vote is foundational to who we are as Americans. As a member of Congress, as a candidate for governor, and in the months since I took office, I have heard from many Virginians who have shared their personal stories of redemption with me 鈥� and heartfelt reflections of the moment their voting rights were restored by previous governors,鈥� Spanberger said in a statement.

Virginia is one of just three states whose constitutions permanently disenfranchise people convicted of felonies unless the governor restores their rights. The state constitution gives governors broad discretion over both eligibility and the restoration process.

Governors of both parties streamlined the process over the decade before former Gov. Glenn Youngkin took office in 2022.

Republican Gov. Bob McDonnell began expanding restorations, a policy later accelerated by Democratic Govs. Terry McAuliffe and Ralph Northam. McAuliffe restored the rights to聽聽during his term, while Northam restored the rights to more than 126,000.

But in 2016, the Supreme Court of Virginia聽聽executive orders from McAuliffe that sought to broadly restore civil rights to approximately 206,000 people who had completed their prison sentences and supervised release. The court ruled that governors must consider each case individually rather than issue blanket restorations.

驰辞耻苍驳办颈苍听聽the state鈥檚 streamlined process, requiring people with felony convictions to apply individually to regain their rights.

Although his administration said every application would receive an individualized review, Democrats and voting rights advocates聽聽of restorations and the lack of publicly disclosed criteria.

Spanberger鈥檚 administration said it has restored both the application review process and proactive outreach to identify eligible Virginians. Officials also removed questions added during the Youngkin era that they described as 鈥渦nnecessary.鈥�

Secretary of the Commonwealth Candi Mundon King said her office reviews every restoration individually while working with law enforcement agencies to verify eligibility.

鈥淭oday is an important day for the commonwealth and the more than 66,000 Virginians who now have their voting rights restored 鈥� in many cases, after waiting multiple years for a fair review,鈥� Mundon King said in a statement.

鈥淥ver the past six months, our work has been guided by Governor Spanberger鈥檚 deep belief that Virginians who served their time deserve their civil rights. That is why our team reviews every individual who has their voting rights restored, working with our law enforcement partners to make sure we get it right.鈥�

Meanwhile, thousands of voter registration applications from Virginians with certain past felony convictions聽聽as of June while the state worked to comply with a federal court order changing its registration process.

It was not immediately clear how many of those applicants, if any, are included in the 66,085 rights restorations announced Friday.

The referendum set to go before voters Nov. 3 would amend the state Constitution to automatically restore voting rights to people convicted of felonies once they are released from incarceration, largely removing governors from the restoration process.

The amendment cleared the General Assembly in two consecutive sessions, separated by the 2025 legislative election as required for constitutional changes. Lawmakers approved it for a second time during the 2026 legislative session, and Spanberger聽聽in February, placing it and other proposed amendments on the November ballot.

Similar proposals have surfaced repeatedly over the decades, although Virginia voters聽聽by 63% to 37%. That measure would have allowed for civil rights to be restored under new rules established in state law.

But more recent polling has shown greater support for a more sweeping change. A 2025聽聽found that 63% of registered voters supported or strongly supported automatically restoring voting rights to people who have completed their prison sentences.

Civil rights advocates have also聽n of 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 felony disenfranchisement provision, which dates back to the state鈥檚 1901-02 constitutional convention, where white political leaders adopted voting rights restrictions intended to suppress Black political participation.

鈥淭his fall, voters can cast their ballots for Virginia to no longer strip so many of our neighbors of their fundamental rights 鈥� a shameful relic of our Jim Crow past,鈥� Spanberger said Friday. 鈥淚 hope Virginians will join me in voting yes.鈥�

House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, whose civil rights聽聽by McDonnell after a federal drug conviction, thanked Spanberger for ending what he called 鈥渢he restoration of rights gridlock鈥� of the last four years.

鈥淭oday鈥檚 action is an important step forward, but it cannot be the final step,鈥� Scott said. 鈥淎 future governor should never be able to reverse a fundamental right with the stroke of a pen.鈥�

He urged Virginians to support the proposed constitutional amendment in November, saying voting rights should no longer be subject to changing governors or political administrations.

Early voting begins Sept. 18, with Election Day set for Nov. 3.

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鈥淭he community has basically been begging us to do something about the unchecked growth of data centers,鈥� County Supervisor Juli Briskman said Thursday. 鈥淭he communities have been asking us to fight back against these big corporations that have basically been able to run roughshod over the county.鈥�

Briskman asked the board to have county staff draft a plan for what a data center pause would entail. The county is currently revisiting its comprehensive plan zoning ordinances regarding data center permitting and zoning.

Phase one of the review process concluded in the spring of 2025. Following that review, supervisors removed 鈥渂y-right鈥� permitting for data centers and moved it to a conditional use permit application that allows for more public input into the process.

In the second phase of the ordinance review, supervisors will examine existing standards for data centers and utility substations in the zoning ordinance, Briskman said.

From there, they will determine if amendments are necessary to minimize community impacts while ensuring operational functionality. Briskman said they will also 鈥渆valuate provisions related to onsite power generation and energy storage, (and) noise parking standards.鈥�

She suggested data center applications pause while review of potential amendments to the comprehensive plan is underway. This would mean no new applications would be considered for months.

鈥淚 decided it was time that we actually just pumped the brakes, listened to the community, and just put a pause on all of it until we can get our arms around some of these other standards that we鈥檝e been working on,鈥� Briskman said.

Loudoun is not the only locality considering this sort of move.

Leaders in for the industry and are temporarily pausing new applications for data centers while they work through those changes.

The town of Front Royal is from all of their zoning districts.

The city of Chesapeake voted to delay their review of applications for eight months.

鈥淲e should use this pause to ensure that the City鈥檚 ordinance ultimately protects communities from toxic air pollution and not accept half-measures that allow the burning of on-site diesel and gas,鈥� Michelle Ueltschi with the Chesapeake Climate Action Fund said in a statement following the city鈥檚 vote.

鈥淭his decision can serve as a model for other localities and state lawmakers to hit pause on data center development until proper regulations are put in place to protect communities.鈥� she added.

Localities鈥� considerations of these changes reflect a desire to slow down the development of data centers and pass meaningful regulations around siting, noise, backup generators, water use, and other concerns that communities across the commonwealth have brought up in public hearings.

Virginia does not have statewide data center siting regulations. It鈥檚 up to local governments to make their own ordinances and decisions for individual projects.

The data center industry has contributed an estimated $2.7 billion in state and local tax revenue in 2024, Data Center Coalition representatives said previously. The facilities rake in millions in tax dollars for the localities that house them.

Loudoun County, for example, has been able to reduce its property taxes because of how much tax revenue they take in from data centers.

鈥淭here鈥檚 no doubt that we鈥檝e been able to do things like fully fund our schools, put millions of dollars into our housing fund. We built a crisis receiving center for $16 million in two years,鈥� Briskman said.

The risks residents say data centers pose aren鈥檛 outweighed by the money, she said.

鈥滲ut the problem is that the community is not seeing a balance. They aren鈥檛 seeing a balance against what they view as negative impacts of the data center industry.鈥�

Briskman added that the county has 鈥渂ecome fiscally over reliant on data centers鈥� and said it is time to diversify the county鈥檚 economy.

The Loudoun County Board of Supervisors will take up the motion at the Sept. 15 meeting.

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Chief Energy Officer Josephus Allmond, Secretary of Commerce and Trade Carrie Chenery and Department of Energy representatives have been across the state to gather input on how the administration can shape its policies and how Virginia can meet its net-zero clean energy mark.

鈥淚t鈥檚 really just designed to basically provide a 10-year roadmap looking at how we鈥檙e going to hit the聽聽across all sectors,鈥� Allmond said.

A public meeting will be held in Petersburg on Aug. 3 at the public library at 5:30 pm. Comments submitted at the meeting, along with responses gathered through an online survey, will be considered as the administration drafts the plan.

鈥淏ut our energy future should not 鈥� must not 鈥� just be written in Richmond,鈥� Gov. Abigail Spanberger said in a news release. 鈥淚 want to hear from Virginians across every corner of the commonwealth, and I encourage everyone who pays an energy bill in Virginia to make their voice heard.鈥�

In addition to public input, the governor鈥檚 plan is developed in consultation with the State Corporation Commission, the Department of Environmental Quality and other state agencies.

Spanberger is aiming to address high energy costs as demand for power continues to grow across the commonwealth. She has touted an 鈥渁ll of the above鈥� energy strategy that includes renewable sources such as solar and wind, while also expressing interest in small modular reactors and maintaining fossil fuel sources when needed.

To offset carbon emissions from natural gas generation, Spanberger pushed for and secured 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 return to the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a multi-state carbon allowance auction.

Unlike the Integrated Resource Plan that utilities must submit to the SCC outlining how they intend to build enough infrastructure to meet projected demand, the governor鈥檚 plan offers more flexibility in determining how to achieve the net-zero target established in state law, Allmond said.

Under the Virginia Clean Economy Act, the state鈥檚 major utilities are also mandated to retire their carbon-emitting power sources by 2050, with some exceptions to maintain grid reliability.

鈥淭he IRP is not strictly on getting to net zero by 2045. There鈥檚 still work arounds in the Clean Economy Act, and so they鈥檝e been relying on that reliability exception,鈥� Allmond said. 鈥淭hat doesn鈥檛 really exist here, and so, this is really showing ways to get to net zero.鈥�

The final report on the 2026 energy plan will be released Oct. 1.

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The 8th Congressional District鈥檚 Democratic primary represents a fissure between the party鈥檚 candidates and voters, who are united in a mission to wrest control of Congress from Republicans, block President Donald Trump鈥檚 priorities and make life more affordable for citizens 鈥� but disagree on how to achieve those goals.

The Democratic Party has hit unprecedented lows in popularity since former Vice President Kamala Harris鈥� loss in 2024, according to . Trump is also less popular than ever with a .

As primary day approaches on Aug. 4, one politics expert said results in the 8th District, a Democratic stronghold anchored in Northern Virginia, could serve as a bellwether for what the party鈥檚 voters might go for this fall, in 2028 and beyond.

Dunigan, Seifeldein and Duffin run against the 鈥榚stablishment鈥櫬�

Beyer鈥檚 opposition is split between four opponents: former CIA case officer Adam Dunigan, former Alexandria city councilman and Department of Labor attorney Mo Seifeldein, former State Department employee Michael Duffin and Stafford County school teacher Lorena Bruner.

Seifelden said Beyer has been too 鈥減assive鈥� against Trump and does not understand the daily struggles families are going through.

Beyer is one of the richest members of Congress with an of over $120 million. Seifelden, on the other hand, came to Virginia as a refugee from war-torn Sudan and worked at McDonald鈥檚 to make ends meet.

Seifelden has repeatedly criticized the Democratic 鈥渆stablishment,鈥� , which typically remains neutral during primaries, for allegedly campaigning for Beyer. Seifelden has pushed for his party to move in a more progressive, innovative direction.

鈥淲e need someone who鈥檚 going to lead the party and make sure it鈥檚 actually an incubator for new ideas,鈥� Seifelden said in an interview.

Duffin juxtaposed his experience cleaning cars as a teenager to Beyer鈥檚 car dealership business that is the source of his wealth. He does not see Beyer as someone who truly represents him.

Duffin worries that Beyer, 76, will keep running for reelection and eventually hand his seat over to a political ally, without a competitive primary.

Duffin pointed to , in which the late U.S. Rep. Gerry Connolly鈥檚 seat was won by his former chief of staff, Rep. James Walkinshaw.

鈥淭he person who has the connection to (Beyer) will be the heir apparent, and they will accept a bunch of corporate PAC money, and they鈥檒l build this juggernaut of a campaign war chest that will make it hard for anyone else to defeat them,鈥� Duffin said.

Dunigan has made Beyer鈥檚 age a point of critique, and in a July 1 candidate forum decried establishment Democrats for refusing to make way for the younger generation.

鈥淎s long as you have somebody in office who鈥檚 pushing 80 years old and has more money than God, every kid who鈥檚 graduating college right now and can鈥檛 find a job is going to look up and give up on the system,鈥� Dunnigan said in an interview.

鈥楥orporate PAC money鈥�

Bruner has focused on beating back Trump. But Seifelden, Duffin and Dunigan have attacked Beyer for taking 鈥渃orporate PAC money鈥� and trading stocks while in Congress.

Seifeldein mentioned Beyer taking $5,000 this cycle from HCA Healthcare, which opposes the聽 single-payer health care proposal Medicare for All.

Dunigan noted that Beyer regularly accepts thousands of dollars from defense contractors like Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, both of which have offices in the 8th District.

Dunigan, Seifeldein and Duffin have raised $247,639, $156,987 and $35,184 this cycle respectively 鈥� figures dwarfed compared to Beyer鈥檚 $2,086,519, according to the . Bruner has not reported her campaign finances.

Beyer has pushed back against his opponents鈥� criticisms, flatly rejecting the idea that the way he votes in Congress is influenced by who gives him money.

While he supports reforming campaign finance laws and banning Congressional stock trading, Beyer said that as long as the government cannot restrict corporate funding in politics, refusing to take certain donations would put Democrats at disadvantage.

鈥淚t鈥檚 insane to unilaterally disarm,鈥� Beyer said.

Beyer also argued that disallowing corporate PAC money would also bar money from unions and other advocacy groups, as they are all regulated the same way.

Beyer said he uses nearly all of his campaign money, with the exception of paying his staff, to support other Democrats.

鈥淥nly Nancy Pelosi has raised and given away more money in the last 11 years than I have, of all the Democrats in the House,鈥� Beyer said.

鈥淏y the way, an awful lot of people out there who don鈥檛 accept PAC money are perfectly happy to accept my $14,000 every two years, much of which is PAC money,鈥� he continued.

Beyer defends his experience, legislative priorities

Beyer said what鈥檚 missing from his opponents鈥� critiques is an understanding that 鈥渢he ability to get things done (in Congress) is based on the quality of relationships, and relationships don鈥檛 happen鈥� instantly.

His decade of relationship-building and legislating at the federal level equips him to advance solutions to key issues, Beyer added.

While Beyer鈥檚 opponents are running on ideas like Medicare for All and abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the six-term congressman鈥檚 top priorities include nuclear energy production, bolstering mental health resources and regulating artificial intelligence.

Beyer does not plan to stay for a 鈥�30-year career,鈥� but he is eager to help Democrats take back control of Congress this November.

鈥淚 have this bundle of things that are just ready to get votes on the House floor and to pass, and I certainly wouldn鈥檛 want to walk away without trying to make sure that we get them done,鈥� Beyer said.

Being able to tackle long-term issues that will impact people for generations, Beyer added, is the 鈥渕ost fulfilling鈥� job he has ever had.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think the seat belongs to me,鈥� Beyer said. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think I deserve the seat. I work really hard at it, but I do think it鈥檚 my responsibility to compete for it every two years.鈥�

鈥楾he Democratic Party is a community鈥�

Most of Beyer鈥檚 opponents have criticized the direction of the Democratic Party and its national leadership, but Beyer believes his camp is serving as effective opposition to the Trump administration.

Seifelden in particular said he would not vote for Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-New York, to be the next speaker of the House, as he has 鈥渇ailed鈥� to support progressive policies and candidates for Congress.

Beyer said Jeffries has effectively communicated how 鈥渆xtreme鈥� the Republican Party has become under Trump and contrasted his style with that of Republicans鈥� highest leaders.

鈥淗e鈥檚 done a very good job of holding the 213 to 215 of us together,鈥� Beyer said. 鈥淧oor Mike Johnson has been abysmal at holding his team together. There鈥檚 constant chaos.鈥�

The 2028 presidential election will define a new standard for the party, Beyer predicted. He named former Secretary of Transportation , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-New York, and Sen. Jon Ossoff, D-Georgia, as prominent communicators and likely contenders.

Beyer himself was an for president in 2020.

A recent informal straw poll conducted by Arlington Democrats 鈥� an area which makes up nearly one-third of the 8th District 鈥� showed Ocasio-Cortez and Buttigieg having the most support among presidential hopefuls.

鈥淭here鈥檚 certain frustration that the Democratic Party is not a corporation that can meet and come out with a new message,鈥� Beyer said. 鈥淵ou know, we are very decentralized. The Democratic Party is a community, like a mosaic of hundreds of thousands of people who care deeply about these issues and are communicating in their own way.鈥�

8th District results will signal how Democrats are shifting, Keena says

, a political science professor at Virginia Commonwealth University, said the 8th District primary contest is reflective of divisions happening within the Democratic Party across the country.

Democrats like Beyer tend to stay in power for a long time with more name recognition and cash on hand, Keena explained, which could cement Beyer as the party鈥檚 nominee for his district.

However, timing is on the challengers鈥� side, as disarray under Trump has fatigued voters, especially in left-leaning districts, and made them more open to new ideas beyond returning to the status quo.

Age is another factor that could work in the newcomers鈥� favor, Keena said.

The average American legislator鈥檚 age is very advanced when compared to other democracies across the world, according to Keena.

鈥淲e have a very old congress,鈥� Keena said. 鈥淭his is really relevant when you think about all the major issues we鈥檙e dealing with like social media, privacy, AI.鈥�

Keena said corporate money is a real concern Beyer must address. While Democrats have turned to courting Wall Street since the Supreme Court鈥檚 Citizens United v. FEC decision, the last 15 years of results have shown more money does not necessarily help them win.

鈥淒emocratic voters are realizing that by taking money from corporations and corporate interests, they end up weakening their appeal to the masses because they kind of lose their identity,鈥� Keena said.

Because Virginia Democrats鈥� shuffled around election dates in the state this year, Keena expects a lower voter turnout, which could put Beyer鈥檚 challengers at a disadvantage.

鈥淚 think we have to understand that this is not just about this election,鈥� Keena said. 鈥淚f the challengers can even come close to knocking Beyer off, even if they scare him, this will still send a message about how the party is shifting.鈥�

Early voting in Virginia ends on August 1. about the candidates and issues in 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 key primary races.

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State and federal laws require all students to take state assessments, unless they qualify for a specific exemption, to demonstrate proficiency in specific subjects before graduating. Virginia began modernizing its Standards of Learning assessments (SOLs) in 2022 and this year, lawmakers advanced legislation to continue the effort.

On Monday, the agency聽聽it issued a聽, or an invitation to compete for a job, to vendors, to develop and modernize the next SOLs assessment ahead of its current vendor鈥檚 contract end in 2027. This comes after an聽聽over carryover funding last fall.

鈥淎fter years of delay, preparing and releasing this RFP has been a top priority for the department over the last six months,鈥� Superintendent of Public Instruction Jenna Conway said in a statement on Monday.

She said the agency appreciates all the work from multiple community and education groups and looks forward to a fair and competitive process 鈥� the first since 2005 鈥� that delivers a 鈥渕odernized, high-quality assessment system to support the academic progress of 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 students.鈥�

The criteria for the new assessment reflect聽聽from workgroups of families, teachers, school leaders and experts including Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Henrico, and Alan Seibert, a member of the Innovative Assessment Workgroup and former Board of Education member.

Both said in a statement that the selection of a new assessment system vendor is an opportunity to modernize testing, improve support for students and educators and ensure public funds are used effectively.

鈥淭he General Assembly has made a modernized assessment system a priority, and this RFP will be the foundation for selecting a partner that effectively uses public funds to create assessments that foster high standards, measure vital skills and knowledge, provide actionable information, are transparent, and ensure students reach their full potential,鈥� VanValkenburg said.

Seibert added that 鈥淔or Virginia to continue supporting excellent teaching and learning in every classroom, the commonwealth鈥檚 assessment system must be modernized.鈥�

The agency said in an announcement that the new assessment system will include 鈥渕ore modern, accessible, and rigorous tests,鈥� providing more timely information to educators, principals and families.

The assessments will include questions aligned with 鈥渉igher academic standards,鈥� items to evaluate and raise students鈥� critical thinking skills, and features and accommodations customized specifically for English learners and students with disabilities.

For teachers and families, the assessment will also provide more timely, better-quality information to support student success, according to the announcement. The assessments will also provide practice test items for teachers.

Cost, what鈥檚 next

According to the聽聽to lawmakers, Virginia estimates the new testing system could cost $30 million to $38 million per year, less than the current contract of about $46.5 million per year.

The final cost is uncertain and could be higher depending on factors like how many students need to retake tests, how much new test material must be created and whether certain alternative assessments are included in the contract, according to the report.

Vendors will have until mid-September to submit proposals for VDOE鈥檚 evaluation and selection process, which will follow the commonwealth鈥檚 required procurement procedures. The selected vendor and system must be operational for the 2027-28 school year.

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, which took effect July 1, requires employers to include a good-faith wage or salary range in public and internal job postings for openings, promotions, transfers and other employment opportunities.

It also bars employers from asking applicants about their salary history or using prior pay when making hiring and compensation decisions. Employers may also not retaliate against applicants or employees who decline to provide their salary history or ask how much a position pays.

Gov. Abigail Spanberger said the ban on salary-history questions could prove just as significant as requiring pay ranges because it prevents a candidate鈥檚 previous salary from becoming the starting point for negotiations.

鈥淲here it becomes impactful is that if I apply for a job with a certain salary range, and my salary history is $40,000, it is not legal anymore to ask what I made,鈥� Spanberger told The Mercury in an interview earlier this month.

An applicant could instead base a salary request on the employer鈥檚 posted range without having to explain or defend what a previous employer paid, she said.

The law, sponsored as聽聽by state Sen. Jennifer Boysko, D-Fairfax, and聽聽by Del. Michelle Maldonado, D-Manassas, places Virginia among a growing number of states requiring employers to disclose pay information in job postings.

Many multistate employers were already posting salary ranges in the commonwealth because they operate in states with similar requirements. Others have had to update job postings, compensation policies and interview practices since the law took effect.

鈥淲e鈥檙e still in the very new stages of this,鈥� Spanberger said.

Defining a good-faith range

One question the new law leaves unanswered is how broad a salary range an employer may advertise. It requires employers to establish a range in 鈥済ood faith,鈥� allowing for differences based on experience, education, credentials and other qualifications.

Spanberger acknowledged an employer could post a broad range 鈥� for example, $35,000 to $95,000 鈥� and still comply with the law, even if it gives applicants only a rough idea of what the employer expects to pay.

鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 necessarily serve the benefit, which is intended to provide a bit of clarity for a potential employee related to what the salary range would legitimately be,鈥� Spanberger said.

鈥淵ou can then walk in and say, 鈥極K, the top end of the range is $95,000, I鈥檓 here asking for this job, I鈥檓 asking for $95,000,鈥� she said. 鈥淭hey can always play games with the lower limit, but the upper limit is a piece of it that does matter.鈥�

Julie Schweber, lead specialist in the Knowledge Center at the Virginia SHRM State Council, said many employers 鈥� particularly multistate companies 鈥� were already familiar with similar laws in other states.

鈥淔rom my HR opinion, it鈥檚 not all that difficult to add a salary range on a job posting and to not ask applicants about their previous salary,鈥� Schweber said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not a big stretch to comply with that.鈥�

Because the law also applies to internal job postings, Schweber said employees may begin asking why similar positions carry different salary ranges or why a new hire could earn more than someone already on staff.

鈥淎 lot of organizations are asking, 鈥楬ow is this going to impact our current staff? Will they potentially get upset when they see other jobs may have a higher pay range than their job?鈥欌�� she said.

That means employers may have to explain how they established posted salary ranges and why workers in similar positions may earn different amounts.

鈥淲hat exactly are we looking at when we develop a pay range?鈥� Schweber said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not so simple to just say, 鈥楬ey, this is our pay range.鈥� We also want to explain how we get to that.鈥�

The Virginia Chamber of Commerce said employers have already been updating hiring practices, compensation policies and job postings while seeking additional guidance on compliance.

鈥淭he Chamber is focused on helping employers understand the new requirements, and as implementation continues, we will evaluate whether any legislative or regulatory changes are needed to provide additional clarity, reduce unintended consequences, and ensure Virginia remains a competitive place to do business,鈥� said spokeswoman Hannah Emerson.

Outreach and enforcement

Spanberger said the administration鈥檚 initial focus is educating employers, particularly small businesses that may advertise a position only occasionally.

鈥淲e want to make sure that we鈥檙e getting information out and doing educational efforts before we really start aggressively holding people accountable on this front,鈥� she said.

The administration plans to work with business associations and local chambers of commerce to explain the new requirements. The Virginia Department of Labor and Industry also聽聽when the law took effect.

Spanberger said it鈥檚 still too soon to judge how consistently employers are complying.

鈥淪ome are already being compliant, because some know about it and have taken action quickly. But in terms of us sending out any sort of formal engagement to say, 鈥榊ou鈥檙e not being compliant, fix it,鈥� that is too early,鈥� she said.

The law gives the office of attorney general authority to investigate violations and bring civil actions against employers. A first violation carries a penalty of up to $1,000, with subsequent violations subject to penalties of up to $5,000 each.

Prospective and current employees also may sue within one year of an alleged violation and seek actual damages or other legal and equitable relief.

鈥淎ttorney General (Jay) Jones was proud to support stronger protections for Virginia workers during the most recent General Assembly session,鈥� spokeswoman Rae Pickett said. 鈥淭his office will stand firmly with workers and ensure that 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 pay transparency laws are fully enforced.鈥�

Schweber encouraged employers to review the state鈥檚 guidance, train managers and evaluate their overall compensation policies rather than viewing the law as simply a requirement to add salary ranges to job postings.

Employees may ask why they fall at a certain point within a pay range or why another position pays more, she said. Those conversations could include factors beyond salary, such as health benefits, flexible work arrangements, professional development and or opportunities for advancement.

鈥淚t鈥檚 not a one-and-done type of communication,鈥� Schweber said.

She said the law could also prompt employers to identify pay differences that developed over time without a clear compensation strategy and ensure salaries remain fair and competitive.

Lessons from other states

Virginia joins a total of 13 states, including California, Colorado, New York, which require pay transparency in job postings, though details vary. Washington, D.C. also has pay transparency standards.

Some of those laws only apply to employers above a certain size, while others also require companies to disclose benefits and other forms of compensation.

Research suggests the laws have significantly increased the amount of salary information available to job seekers.聽聽by the National Bureau of Economic Research found that disclosure requirements increased the share of job postings containing pay information by about 30%.

The researchers also found wage increases ranging from 1.3% to 3.6% across three data sets, but no measurable effect on employment, pay differences among workers or the education and skill requirements employers listed.

Colorado began requiring compensation information in job postings in 2021 and has since established聽聽for investigating complaints. New York鈥檚 statewide law聽聽in 2023 and generally applies to employers with at least four workers, while 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 new law has no minimum employee threshold.

But those laws have not eliminated job postings without salary information.聽聽by the New York City Council found thousands of listings on Indeed and Google for Jobs that lacked pay ranges, which the council attributed in part to the way those platforms pull postings from other websites.

Among 100 employers the council reviewed directly, 87 included salary information in every posting, 12 complied in some but not all listings and one included no salary information. The review also found that some employers posted wide salary ranges, underscoring that requiring a range does not always provide applicants with a precise estimate of what a job will pay.

But advocates argue salary-history bans can help reduce long-standing wage gaps because workers who were underpaid in one job no longer have to carry that salary into negotiations for the next.

Schweber pointed to federal聽聽showing women, on average, earn less than men and that wage disparities also persist among women of different racial and ethnic backgrounds.

鈥淭he theory behind these regulations is not to give companies more work to do,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut it鈥檚 so that job applicants and employees will have more information that will enable them to negotiate their compensation more fairly, and ideally close those pay gaps.鈥�

She said that job seekers increasingly expect to disclose pay before they apply. Citing a, Schweber said 82% of U.S. workers were more likely to consider applying for a job if the salary range was listed.

础听聽of human resources professionals found that 60% of organizations were publishing salary ranges in job advertisements, up from 45% the previous year.

Schweber said many employers now see pay transparency as a recruiting and retention tool, even when the law does not require it.

鈥淐ompanies are seeing the value of doing this as part of their recruitment and even retention strategy,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd it鈥檚 better for an organization when we are transparent with our job applicants and employees.鈥�

Source

The lawsuit was filed in 2023 by abortion providers in Kansas, Montana and Virginia to challenge the restrictions as excessive, unwarranted and inconsistent with other legal requirements. A similar case in Hawaii was already decided in October, with a federal judge also finding that the restrictions were arbitrary.

In Virginia, U.S. District Court Judge Robert Ballou, an appointee of former President Joe Biden, said the FDA failed to conduct an appropriate review of the 2023 restrictions on mifepristone, which include rules that prescribing pharmacies and clinicians must be specially certified and prescribers and patients must sign a form acknowledging the medication鈥檚 risks.

鈥淭he 2023 REMS modification is unlawful and must be remanded to the FDA for review,鈥� Ballou wrote, using the acronym for the FDA鈥檚 Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies protocols.

Amy Hagstrom Miller, president and CEO of lead plaintiff Whole Woman鈥檚 Health Alliance, based in Virginia, said in a statement Friday that eliminating those three restrictions would help clinic staff focus on patient needs instead of 鈥渆xcessive paperwork.鈥�

鈥淚 have worked in abortion care for over 30 years, and I can attest that these regulations serve no medical purpose, nor do they add value to our patients鈥� experience of abortion,鈥� Hagstrom Miller said in the statement.

The FDA did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Stateline on Friday.

Ballou did not give a timeline for a review of the restrictions, but the FDA has said it is conducting a聽and has sought to dismiss cases related to mifepristone regulation until it completes that review. Trump administration officials told the Wall Street Journal in June that the review was expected to take about six months, meaning it would conclude after the national midterm elections.

Katie Keith, founding director of the Center for Health Policy and the Law at the Georgetown University Law Center, said the Virginia and Hawaii decisions mean the FDA has been ordered by two courts to reconsider its restrictions and more thoroughly explain why they are necessary.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e going to have to look at everything these various courts are telling them to look at,鈥� Keith said.

But the two rulings come at the same time the administration is receiving pressure from anti-abortion groups to further restrict access to mifepristone, even in states where abortion is legal.

The 2023 rules, which were decided under the Biden administration, also eased restrictions to allow mifepristone to be dispensed without an in-person provider for the first time. That helped expand national access to the medication, which is one of two drugs typically used to end a pregnancy before 10 weeks and to treat miscarriages, and allowed people who live in one of the 13 states with near-total abortion bans to continue to receive it by mail.

That expanded access prompted three other lawsuits from attorneys general in states with abortion bans that are still pending in federal courts. In Louisiana, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is considering whether to strike down the provision allowing telehealth prescriptions, and will hear oral arguments in the case in September.

The 5th Circuit initially granted an emergency request from Louisiana to block telehealth access to the medication, but after drug manufacturers appealed the decision to the U.S. Supreme Court, the justices reversed the circuit court ruling. That stay from the high court will remain in place as the case continues.

Two other cases with different implications for the future of mifepristone are ongoing. One is in Missouri, joined by attorneys general from Idaho and Kansas, where they have asked the court to return all of the restrictions to what they were in 2016. The other is in Texas, joined by Florida鈥檚 attorney general, asking the federal court to revoke the drug鈥檚 approval entirely.

Stateline reporter Kelcie Moseley-Morris can be reached at聽kmoseley@stateline.org.

Source

Pete Buttigieg says they may not need it.

The former U.S. transportation secretary and 2020 presidential candidate said Democrats can still make significant gains under 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 existing map if they field competent candidates who keep their campaigns focused on affordability, healthcare and corruption in Washington.

鈥淚 think even with a nationwide picture where maps are distorted to the benefit of Republicans on average, we can still win,鈥� Buttigieg said in an interview with The Mercury Wednesday. 鈥淲e鈥檝e done it before, without the benefit of fair maps, and I think we鈥檙e going to do it this year.鈥�

Buttigieg has endorsed three Democrats competing in the Aug. 4 primary: Henrico County Commonwealth鈥檚 Attorney Shannon Taylor in the 1st congressional District, former U.S. Rep. Elaine Luria in the 2nd and former U.S. Rep. Tom Perriello in the 5th.

All three are seeking nominations to challenge Republican incumbents in November, contests Buttigieg called 鈥渧ital鈥� to Democrats鈥� efforts to regain control of the U.S. House.

鈥淚 think right now with everything that voters and their families are up against economically, there鈥檚 a very important opening, especially for candidates who are focused on integrity and service,鈥� he said.

Virginia Democrats expected to enter the midterms with a designed to favor their party in 10 of the state鈥檚 11 districts. Voters the redistricting amendment in April, but the Supreme Court of Virginia later , leaving the existing map in place.

Rather than dwell on the setback, Buttigieg said Democrats should focus on nominating strong candidates and keeping voters鈥� attention on the issues driving everyday life.

鈥淲e have to keep a relentless focus on the issues from high cost of living to runaway corruption in Washington 鈥� the issues that are really driving voters,鈥� he said.

Taylor is one of seven candidates seeking to challenge U.S. Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland, in the . The others are Elizabeth Dempsey Beggs, Salaam Bhatti, Tim Cywinski, Jason Knapp, Ericka Kopp and Mel Tull.

Taylor鈥檚 six opponents earlier this week for the Democratic Party of Virginia to publicly reaffirm its neutrality after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee promotional content featuring Taylor during early voting.

鈥淎s a prosecutor, I鈥檝e spent my career holding people accountable, and I鈥檓 ready to prosecute the case against a career politician who has gotten richer in office while voting to raise costs, gut healthcare, and give himself tax breaks,鈥� Taylor said in response to Buttigieg鈥檚 endorsement, referring to Wittman.

In the Hampton-Roads based , Luria faces Dr. Nila Devanath, Bill Fleming and Patrick Mosolf for the Democratic nomination. The winner will challenge U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans, R-Virginia Beach. Luria represented the district for two terms before losing to Kiggans in 2022.

鈥淎s a fellow Navy veteran, Pete knows the importance of putting others and their needs above your own,鈥� Luria said in an email Wednesday. 鈥淚 look forward to working for Virginia in Congress to bring down prices, expand access to health care, and put the needs of Hampton Roads first.鈥�

Perriello is running against Suzanne Krzyzanowski and Rob Tracinski in the . The Democratic nominee will face either U.S. Rep. John McGuire, R-Goochland, or GOP challenger Melanie Lunero. McGuire is 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 only Republican incumbent facing a primary challenger this year.

Asked why he backed Perriello, Buttigieg referred to his vote for the Affordable Care Act during his lone term in Congress. Perriello in 2010 after Republicans made abolishing the law a centerpiece of their campaign.

鈥淗e paid a heavy political price for helping to deliver the Affordable Care Act that so many people in Virginia and in America now rely on to afford health insurance,鈥� Buttigieg said. 鈥淎nd so he has really shown, and not just said, that he will act to make life more affordable and easier to get by for Americans.鈥�

Perriello said he was 鈥渇ired up鈥� to have Buttigieg鈥檚 support, citing their work to invest in rural communities and infrastructure. 鈥淲e are not going to stop fighting until costs come down, wages go up, and the corrupt are held accountable,鈥� he said.

Buttigieg argued that President Donald Trump鈥檚 record during his second term has created an opportunity for Democrats, but said the party still has to earn voters鈥� trust.

鈥淭he failures of the Trump administration represent an opening, not an answer,鈥� he said. Voters who believed Trump鈥檚 promises to lower prices and keep the country out of war are 鈥渟eeing that they鈥檝e been lied to, and that creates a chance for us to get a hearing.鈥�

He emphasized Democrats must make a clear case for what they should do differently on issues such as healthcare, affordability and public safety.

Buttigieg also criticized Republican efforts to change election laws, including the pending .

鈥淚鈥檓 very concerned that the White House and congressional Republicans seem to have given up on the idea that they鈥檙e going to win by convincing voters that they鈥檙e doing a good job,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd so instead they鈥檙e hoping to win by changing the maps and changing the rules.鈥�

The former South Bend, Ind., mayor has spent recent weeks campaigning for Democrats in and , appearances that have fueled speculation about another in 2028.

鈥淩ight now, I鈥檓 very focused on the election that鈥檚 actually happening,鈥� Buttigieg said. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 going to remain the focus through Election Day, and then we鈥檒l see what the future brings.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

Source

The war involving the U.S., Israel, and Iran has disrupted energy markets and oil shipments, especially through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical route for global oil exports. That disruption has contributed to higher oil prices and increased costs for goods and transportation for consumers and businesses.

According to the , Virginians have paid $1.8 billion more for gas since February.

鈥淏ecause of the president鈥檚 war of choice, Virginians are facing higher gas, utility, and grocery costs,鈥� U.S. Sens. Tim Kaine and Mark Warner said in a July 14 statement. 鈥淚nstead of ending this war and finally easing the burden that he has placed on American families, Trump is calling off the ceasefire, trading airstrikes with Iran, and blockading the Strait of Hormuz.鈥�

According to AAA, the average price of regular gasoline in the U.S. had climbed back above $4 per gallon as of July 21, about 13 cents higher than a week earlier and significantly higher than at the same time last year.

In a statement to the Associated Press, the White House said it expects prices to decline if shipping through the Strait of Hormuz normalizes. The AP that energy analysts caution that even if fighting subsides, supply chains could still take months to fully recover.

Federal lawmakers have proposed gas relief measures, including the by Democrats in March, and, in May, the by Republicans. Neither plan succeeded.

Under the state鈥檚 , the gasoline excise tax increased by one cent to 32.6 cents over the past year, according to the Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles.

Virginia Republicans also a gas tax holiday, but were unsuccessful in securing its inclusion in the biennial budget. GOP lawmakers said the plan would have worked similarly to successful deployments in states like Indiana and Utah.

Democrats, who control both chambers of the statehouse, did not state explicitly why a gas tax holiday was not included in the budget, instead emphasizing other affordability priorities.

Voters have indicated in VCU鈥檚 State of Democracy conducted by the L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs that rising living costs, including gas prices, are a critical issue for them in the upcoming midterm elections, when Virginians will elect new congressional representatives.

to determine 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 nominees in five congressional districts will be held Aug. 4.

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She entered office promising to lower costs through her聽agenda. But a new poll suggests many Virginians remain unconvinced, with inflation, housing costs and an unpredictable economic forecast still topping voters鈥� concerns.

Spanberger addressed those concerns Thursday during an interview with reporters in the cabinet room at the Patrick Henry Building in Richmond鈥檚 Capitol Square, defending her administration鈥檚 record to date while acknowledging that the impact of many of her biggest initiatives will take time to manifest.

罢丑别听, released Wednesday, found 44% of registered voters approved of Spanberger鈥檚 job performance, while 47% disapproved. Inflation and the cost of living ranked as voters鈥� biggest worries.

Spanberger said she was not surprised by the findings, noting that the polls before last year鈥檚 election also suggested a much closer race than her eventual 15-point victory. Polls can provide a snapshot in time, she said, but she did not need survey results to know affordability remained top of mind for Virginians.

鈥淚 did not need a poll to know that would be what people would be talking about,鈥� Spanberger said.

The governor also tied the poll results to the nation鈥檚 starkly divided political climate, accusing President Donald Trump and his administration of 鈥渃onstantly鈥� picking fights as a political strategy. Spanberger said she has not spoken directly with Trump since taking office.

鈥淚 think, tragically, we do continue to live in times that are either polarized or where a narrative of polarization continues to be pushed,鈥� she said, adding that the tension shapes how people view politics, elected officials and issues that concern them.

Affordability still tops the list

Spanberger emphasized that the laws passed during her first six months reflect her administration鈥檚 focus on affordability, although many of them will take time to reach families.

She pointed to聽聽on out-of-pocket insulin costs, expanded聽聽and other measures aimed at lowering healthcare, housing and energy costs.

鈥淚f you鈥檙e someone who relies on insulin, there鈥檚 going to be a huge impact on you right away,鈥� Spanberger said. 鈥淚f you鈥檙e someone who struggled to try and get your healthcare needs addressed, because you鈥檝e got to go to pre-authorization after pre-authorization, you鈥檒l feel it.鈥�

She also pointed to a new law requiring landlords to give tenants 14 days鈥� notice before pursuing an eviction instead of five.

鈥淚f you鈥檙e someone who鈥檚 kind of always teetering on potential eviction, you鈥檒l feel it real quick when you have just a little bit more breathing room to be able to kind of steady yourself and pay your rent,鈥� Spanberger said.

Other priorities, including efforts to increase the supply of affordable housing, will take longer to produce results, she admitted.

Spanberger also cited the state budget聽, pointing to additional funding for public schools, childcare and higher education, along with more than $5 billion in announced business investment and more than 3,000 new jobs since January.

She also noted Virginia聽聽in CNBC鈥檚 annual ranking of America鈥檚 Top States for Business. The state fell to fourth place on the list last year.

The budget also created a new聽聽on data centers that lawmakers project will generate about $600 million annually. The issue surfaced in this week鈥檚 VCU poll, with 81% of respondents saying they support additional fees on data centers to help offset demands on the electric grid.

Spanberger said the next step is making sure Virginians see how those policies affect their everyday lives.

鈥淭he priority needs to be on our administration and, frankly, the members of the General Assembly who passed all these bills to be connecting the dots,鈥� she said.

Court fights over new laws continue

Spanberger also defended two new laws that remain tied up in court: 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 ban on certain 聽and large-capacity magazines, and a law generally prohibiting law enforcement officers from concealing their identities while on duty.

She said constitutional questions were part of her review of every bill that reached her desk and noted she declined to sign some legislation because of those concerns.

The mask law applies to local, state and federal law enforcement officers, with exceptions for undercover assignments, health precautions and other circumstances. A federal judge聽聽just hours before it was set to take effect, finding the U.S. Justice Department was likely to succeed in arguing Virginia cannot regulate federal officers that way.

Spanberger said officers who conceal their identities can erode public trust.

鈥淭his sort of theatrical policing, like we鈥檝e seen in some other states with the use of masks or facial coverings, is an expectation that law enforcement in Virginia 鈥� local, state and federal 鈥� not pursue,鈥� she said.

Spanberger said she expected the law to face legal challenges but remains convinced restrictions on assault-style firearms and magazine capacity will save lives.

鈥淚t鈥檚 unfortunate that they鈥檙e choosing to sue the Commonwealth of Virginia,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut we will continue to defend it because ultimately the law is about saving lives.鈥�

She added that while the state would rather not spend money defending its laws in court, litigation is part of the legislative process.

Redistricting remains in rearview

Asked about Democrats鈥� unsuccessful mid-decade redistricting effort, Spanberger said she does not view it as a mistake.

Virginia voters聽聽a constitutional amendment in April that would have allowed the General Assembly to redraw the state鈥檚 congressional map before the November midterm elections.

The Supreme Court of Virginia later聽聽in a 4-3 ruling, finding lawmakers had failed to follow the constitutional amendment process. The U.S. Supreme Court聽, leaving the current congressional map in place.

Spanberger said the court鈥檚 decision should not be confused with a rejection by voters, noting that a majority backed the amendment. She also argued Democrats do not need new district lines to gain new seats this fall.

She pointed out that she carried the territory currently represented by Republican U.S. Reps. Rob Wittman and Jen Kiggans during last year鈥檚 statewide election. She also cited stronger Democratic performances in districts represented by U.S. Reps. John McGuire, R-Goochland, and Ben Cline, R-Botetourt.

鈥淚 believe we will win, but there鈥檚 been new challenges created for the candidates who have been working hard, who now have a primary coming up in August later than our typical June,鈥� she said.

痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 congressional primary was postponed until Aug. 4 ahead of the referendum. Spanberger said Democrats now need to focus on winning under the map that will actually be used this fall.

Asked which Republican-held seats Democrats could flip, she named the districts represented by Wittman, Kiggans, McGuire and Cline.

鈥淭he 9th is always more difficult,鈥� she said of the district held by U.S. Rep. Morgan Griffith, R-Salem.

Spanberger declined to say whether Democrats should pursue another redistricting effort before the 2028 election, saying the political landscape could look very different by then.

In the meantime, she said she hopes Democrats gain enough seats this fall to 鈥渂e a check on a lawless presidency.鈥�

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The last Republican from Virginia elected to the U.S. Senate was Sen. John Warner 鈥� no relation to the state鈥檚 current senior senator 鈥� when he won a fifth term in 2002. Since then, Democrats have swept every Senate contest in the commonwealth, and Republicans now face another uphill battle in a state where President Donald Trump remains highly unpopular.

Republican voters will take the first step in the Aug. 4 primary election when they will choose a nominee to challenge Democratic U.S. Sen. , who is seeking a fourth six-year term after more than two decades in statewide office.

The Republicans who remain in the race are businesswoman , retired U.S. Army Col. and businessman . Four other GOP candidates, including state , R-Spotsylvania, dropped out before the primary, leaving a smaller field competing for the chance to take on one the Senate鈥檚 best-funded candidates.

Whoever wins the nomination will enter the fall campaign facing Warner鈥檚 statewide name recognition, long political resume and sizable fundraising advantage.

Different paths to the nomination

Although the candidates agree on many core Republican positions, each has emphasized a different message on the campaign trail.

Farington, a Northern Virginia business owner and public accountant at the U.S. Departments of Defense and Agriculture, the Office of Personnel Management and the White House, has built her campaign around the economy, arguing that inflation and the rising cost of living remain voters鈥� biggest concerns. She has also called for lower federal spending, tighter border security, expanded domestic energy production and a smaller federal government.

Mizusawa, a retired Army colonel and former Pentagon official, has leaned heavily on his national security background. His campaign has focused on military readiness, foreign policy, energy and government spending while highlighting decades of military and public service.

Williams, a businessman, U.S. Navy veteran and former federal employee, has campaigned on reducing the size of the federal government, cutting taxes and defending constitutional rights, presenting himself as a political outsider.

Despite those varying campaign themes, David Richards, a political science professor at the University of Lynchburg, noted the three candidates have something in common other than their party affiliation.

鈥淥ne other interesting point is that Williams, Farington and Mizusawa are all people who have worked for the federal government at some point in their careers, with Williams and Mizusawa both serving in the military,鈥� Richards said.

鈥淐learly, whoever wins the GOP nomination will be running as an experienced government insider.鈥�

Richards said he sees the primary race as narrowing.

鈥淚 predict either Farington or Mizusawa winning the nomination, both are polling about even if you look at the margin of error,鈥� he said. 鈥淏ehind them is Williams, who is putting up a fight, but has raised the smallest amount of money, and his platform seems fairly vague to be honest.鈥�

Warner鈥檚 fundraising edge

underscore the challenge awaiting the eventual Republican nominee.

As of March 31, Mizusawa has raised about $192,000 and reported more than $55,000 cash on hand. Farington has raised more than $125,000 and reported about $22,700 remaining. Williams has raised more than $55,000 and has roughly $6,600 in his campaign account.

In contrast, Warner nearly $22 million for his reelection bid and reported more than $14 million cash on hand.

Richards said money has already helped separate the Republican field, but even the eventual nominee will begin the general election at a significant financial disadvantage.

鈥淔arington and Mizusawa have each raised well over $100k, which is great, except Warner already has many millions of dollars in his war chest,鈥� Richard said.

Richards also said he has noticed how the leading Republicans have approached the statewide race.

鈥淚 find it interesting that Farington and Mizusawa both take pretty traditional GOP positions on most issues, albeit with a MAGA-tint, but nothing all that radical,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd neither one mentions Trump.鈥�

Richards said he believes that is a deliberate choice.

鈥淚 think Farington and Mizusawa realize they are running a statewide race in a state where Trump has never won and where Democrats have done very well in the past couple of elections,鈥� he said.

鈥淩ight now, a Trump endorsement might help their primary chances but not their general election campaign.鈥�

Richards said that Farington鈥檚 emphasis on affordability could foreshadow one of the central Republican arguments this fall.

鈥淔arington鈥檚 attempt to paint Warner as part of the affordability problem likely is a preview of what the eventual GOP nominee will say during the campaign,鈥� he said. 鈥淚n my mind Farington has the best way forward, not just to win the GOP nomination, but to try and narrow the GOP for the general election by running on this affordability issue.鈥�

Warner enters race with experience 鈥� and advantages

While Republicans are focused on settling their primary, Warner enters the campaign as one of 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 most established political figures.

A native of Indiana who built a successful telecommunications business before entering politics, Warner moved to Virginia in the 1980s and became active in Democratic fundraising before winning the governorship in 2001.

After his four-year tenure in Richmond, he was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2008 and has since won reelection twice, by less than 1 percentage point in 2014 and by more than 12 points in 2020.

Now the Senate鈥檚 vice chair of the Intelligence Committee, Warner has built a reputation as a pragmatic Democrat willing to work across the aisle on issues ranging from national security and technology to infrastructure and economic development.

He has also maintained a high profile in Virginia, regularly touting federal investments in transportation, broadband expansion, military communities and manufacturing. He has also drawn attention to the effect recent had on state hospitals and services.

Warner鈥檚 significant fundraising haul gives him resources that far exceed those of any potential Republican challenger. Combined with the Democratic party鈥檚 recent success in statewide elections, they leave the eventual GOP nominee facing a challenging political landscape.

Richards said those political realities will make it difficult for the Republican candidate to gain traction, regardless of who emerges from the primary.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 see the 2026 Virginia Senate election as Mark Warner鈥檚 to lose,鈥� he said. 鈥淗e won in 2020 by about 12%, Tim Kaine won in 2024 by roughly 10%, both of those with Trump on the ballot.鈥�

With the president鈥檚 approval ratings under water and voters continuing to express concerns about the economy, Richards said Warner appears well-positioned heading into the general election.

Read the Mercury鈥檚 to learn more about the Aug. 4 primary for 痴颈谤驳颈苍颈补鈥檚 key congressional races.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

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